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Orlando, Florida: Virginity for Sale - The Dark World of Forced Teen Prostitution

Thomas J. Cates 2803 Red Hawk Road Orlando, FL 32801

"In recent years, millions of women and girls have been trafficked across borders and within countries. The global trafficking industry generates an estimated 5 (billion) to 7 billion U.S. dollars each year, more than the profits generated by the arms and narcotics trades," a February 2001 Asia Foundation and Horizons Project Population Council report said.

In the late 17th century, the brothel area of Kamathipura was established to service British troops in what was then called Bombay, India. In 2004, the cost to buy a trafficked girl from Nepal in what is now called Mumbai is 100,000 to 120,000 rupees ($2,004 to $2,405). Girls trafficked from Nepal are known as a tsukris. They have been "indentured" (forced) to work under a never-ending contract commonly found with human trafficking.

The industry in the trafficking of Nepali girls is a lucrative business, and it can include forced labor, domestic and factory work. Teenage girls are often used in the sex industries, though, because of the extreme profit for traffickers and the very low incidence of law enforcement against sex-industry racketeers.

Arresting the traffickers can be very tricky. In rural Nepal, this is a constant challenge because adequate police enforcement is often nonexistent. Seen only as an investment to brothel owners, trafficked girls, in addition to the daily sex-servicing of clients, are used by the brothel owners as "virgins" -- owners attempt to sell a girls virginity over and over again. This insidious crime can be found throughout the back alleys of Mumbai.

So, why are most brothel owners interested much more in owning girls from Nepal versus girls from India?

Villages like Ichowk, Mahankal and Talmarang in the Sindhupalchok district in north-central Nepal are full of girls who are more than eager for a better life. The rural districts of Makwanpur, Dhading and Khavre are also very involved in the trafficking of girls.

Besides this, rural Nepalese girls are cheaper to buy, easier to control and enslave; they are known to be much more obedient and are considered more attractive for brothel owners who may want to resell them. Because of these girls are easier to cheat and to force into debt bondage because they have very little, if any, education, and they usually do not speak any of the native languages of India.

"Annually, according to U.S. government sponsored research completed in 2006, approximately 800,000 people are trafficked across national borders, which does not include millions trafficked within their own countries. Approximately 80 percent of transnational victims are women and girls, and up to 50 percent are minors," the U.S. Department of State reports in a 2008 study.

(On April 21, 2008, WNN correspondent Kamala Sarup organized a program on HIV/AIDS and trafficking in the district of Sindhupalchowk, Nepal. At the bottom of this article, she shares a firsthand story about the sex trafficking in Nepal.)

Easily Exploited Demographic

According to the Asia Foundation, a human rights advocacy group, many Nepali communities "recognize the role of social and economic hardships in vulnerability to trafficking. They also blame the immoral character of the trafficked girl herself. Girls who seek independence want exposure to the world outside."

While girls are faced with desperate prospects in trying to "improve" their lives, they are many times "tempted by the prospect of gaining material benefits and are perceived as bad and more likely to be trafficked," the Asia Foundation said.

The structure of Nepali and Indian societies serve to make these girls vulnerable. Girls and women in Nepal are usually only given status according to the economic and social standing of their fathers and/or brothers. A majority of Nepali women are expected to live according to "traditional" Nepali standards that leave little opportunity to build any self-esteem.

Eighty percent of Nepal population lives in rural areas. It is peopled by a majority of youth: the average age in Nepal is 20. According to 2007 statistics from the United Nations Development Program, Sindhupalchok district has a total population of 305,857. Literacy there is 46.5 percent. Infant mortality is 48 per 1,000 births; child mortality is 61 per 1,000. It is an area wracked with extreme poverty. Data from 2005 case records documented by six rehabilitation centers in Nepal of sex-trafficked women show that most (72.7 percent) rural girls who are trafficked are Hindu, 59.9 percent are unmarried, 46.5 percent are 16 to 18 years old and 77.2 percent have little to no education.

In many rural areas, some girls leave home because of domestic violence and other personal problems. But there also are many cases of girls who leave home purely in an attempt to better their lives, or to provide for family obligations. Many sex traffickers take advantage of these conditions as they falsely encourage girls to leave home.

Most sex trafficking (59.4 percent) in Nepal is carried out through dalals, or brokers, who falsely guarantee good work to girl-children who are willing to travel to other countries. Often these girls are persuaded by people who offer marriage and a better life, jobs or money. Many times, they and their parents are also promised education in the large cities of neighboring India. While this is not often the case, some parents who are suffering under severe economic hardship are also known to deceive their daughters as they sell them to traffickers.

Because most sex trafficking in rural Nepal is often made through personal contacts and arrangements, up-to-date, detailed and accurate documentation and data of girls who have been forced into the global sex industry in this region is still greatly lacking. Tragically, many missing girls from Nepal disappear deep into the brothel system of India. As time passes, they are often sold again and again, to one owner after another, only to settle deep into the degradation of life trapped as a young prostitute.

Girls who are victims of sex-trafficking in Nepal often live on the poorest, outcast edge from the lowest caste of society, where hardship is the norm. Often food may be scarce, or clean water unavailable. Missing girls can be as young as 8 or 9, but are most often 14 to 18. However, current trends are showing higher-caste girls are also being bought and sold.

For the last decade, it has been estimated that 6,000 to 7,000 girls are trafficked out of Nepal each year. But these numbers have recently risen substantially -- current numbers are 10,000 to 15,000 girls yearly. The Central Intelligence Agency states that most trafficked girls are worth $250,000 on the sex-trades market.

The top destination for most Nepalese girls is to Mumbai brothels. Other common destinations for girls leaving Nepal include the cities of Pune, Delhi and Kolkata (formerly Calcutta), India. Trafficking is a lucrative business in Kolkata, too. Areas outside of India include cities in the Middle East and other Asia regions.The odds for a girl to escape her life in the brothels are very slim. Only a dismal percentage (6.9 percent) of brothel owners will voluntarily release a girl; 73.7 percent of all girls trapped inside the brothel system will only reach the outside world again if they are rescued.

The stay for most girls who are rescued from a brothel is 12 to 36 months. Unfortunately, those who cannot be rescued are trapped for many more years. Even with ongoing attempts by rescue agencies, countless girls fall desperately through the cracks.

Maiti Nepal, a 20-year-old rescue organization, based in Kathmandu, is one of the organizations that manages the ongoing rescue of Nepali girls from the brothels of Mumbai. Going up against organized crime in India is not an easy matter though. "The criminal elements that deliverate young girls are a ruthless enemy and have political connections at the highest levels in India and Nepal. Maiti Nepals main office in Kathmandu has been destroyed twice, and Maiti workers must travel with a bodyguard when overseeing rescue missions in India," said the sister organization of Maiti Nepal, called Friends of Maiti Nepal.

High Exposure to HIV/AIDS

"It is estimated that 50 percent of Nepalese sex workers in Mumbai brothels are HIV-positive," says a World Bank 2004 report. The youngest victims of sex trafficking are the ones most likely to be directly exposed to HIV/AIDS. There is an "increased risk among those trafficked prior to age 15 years," says a 2007 report in the Journal of the American Medical Association. JAMA outlined statistics that prove a direct rise in HIV/AIDS cases in the youngest section of girls trafficked from Nepal. These girls are usually 9 to 14.

"Within this high-risk group, risk for HIV was increased among girls trafficked at 14 years or younger (60.6 percent HIV-positive) to those trafficked to Mumbai (49.6 percent HIV-positive) and to those reporting longer duration in brothels. The high rates of HIV infection seen among these survivors of trafficking, indicates a need for greater attention from the public health community to this population and to prevention of this violent gender-based crime and human rights violation."

"In Mumbai and Pune, for example, 54 percent and 49 percent of sex workers, respectively, were found to be HIV-positive," (India's National AIDS Control Organization, 2005). A large proportion of women with HIV appear to have acquired the virus from regular partners who were infected during paid sex. HIV-prevention efforts targeted at sex workers are being implemented in India. However, the context of sex work is complex, and enforcement of outdated laws often act as a barrier against effective HIV-prevention and treatment efforts. Indeed, condom use is limited, especially when commercial encounters take place in ‘risky’ locations with low police tolerance for this activity."

Drug use, too, among prostituted girls causes many problems when these girls are returned home to families and communities. Girls who have received no assistance with drug rehab often try to return to life in the brothels to feed their intense addictions. Drugs abused include cough syrup, cannabis, heroin and propoxyphene (Darvon), along with alcohol and mild tranquilizers.

"Injection-drug use appears to be extensive in Nepal and to overlap with commercial sex," says World Bank Asia (2008). "Another important factor is the high number of sex workers who migrate or are trafficked to Mumbai, India to work, thereby increasing HIV prevalence in the sex workers network in Nepal more rapidly."

Trafficking Remains Easy

"Trafficking in persons means the recruitment, transportation, purchase, sale, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons by threat or use of violence, abduction, force, fraud, deception or coercion (including the abuse of authority), or debt bondage, for the purpose of placing or holding such person, whether for pay or not, in forced labor or slaverylike practices, in a community other than the one in which such person lived at the time of the original act described," said Radhika Coomaraswamy, a Sri Lankan attorney and the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Violence, at the United Nations Commission on Human Rights.

In 2007, the interim government of Nepal upheld sanctions against all human trafficking in Nepal.


29. Right Against Exploitation

(1) Every person shall have the right against exploitation.

(2) No person shall be exploited in the name of custom, tradition and practice,

or in any other way

(3) No person shall be subjected to human trafficking, slavery or bonded labor.

(4) No person shall be subject to forced labor.

Still, along the 1,740 mile border between Nepal and India, smuggling a girl is still very easy. Rescue agencies attempt to inspect cars for young girls who appear to be trafficked. But girls and traffickers still make it through, because these car searches and border interviews are usually done without the assistance of police or Nepal government agencies.

"Controlling trafficking has been compounded by the conflict of the last 10 years," Arzu Rana Deuba, Ph.D. executive chairwoman of Samanata Institute for Social and Gender Equality in Kathmandu, said in a September 2008 interview with photojournalist Mikel Dunham. "The communities (in Nepal) became poorer, and some of them had no recourse but to try to find a means for a livelihood. During and after the conflict, there was a lot of displacement, a lot of women came to the urban centers, and most were not equipped to get into jobs. They were not educated -- no skills. So a lot of them became 'dancers,' you know? So now, it’s like a phenomenon. Every town you go to, you have all these dance bars. Its just a front for brothels.

"The government has made stringent laws, but again, the problem is enforcement. Most of the traffickers are very rich. They buy the lawyers. They have money to hire top-class lawyers. They may be even paying bribes to come out of it. And the other thing we have noticed is that most of the women who are trafficked are poor. So even if they come back and they file a case, eventually, they’re pressured by their family, who are paid off by the traffickers to keep quiet. And the legal system in Nepal takes forever for a case to be resolved. That has been one problem ... when the traffickers are caught, very few are brought to justice."


The following is a firsthand story about sex trafficking in Nepal:

Tamang used to come to Kathmandu at our house every year. He was a part-time tailor and full-time farmer who used to work in Kathmandu to make extra money to take home each year. He was a very poor man. When I saw him the first time, he told me he wanted to send his daughter, Tara, to school. I felt very kind toward him, so I gave him a small room to stay at our big family home in Kathmandu. But my parents did not like my decision, and our community criticized me because of his poverty and standing. This year, Tamang did not come to Kathmandu, so I went to see him and his family in his village.

The daughter of Tamang was lost. But for Tamang, it's not a new incident, because the loss of girls in Nepal is quite common in Sindhupalchok. (Sindhupalchok is a district of the Central Development Region of Nepal in the Bagmati Zone, 75 kilometers from Kathmandu).

Watching Tamang enter his house after his day's work, he consoled his wife, Sunita, as their worry about Tara mounted. These are the moments when Tamang should be sharing his pleasures and pains with his wife. He loves Sunita very deeply. He remembered well how he had sung love songs while going to the market in his youth with Sunita. But now, how can he console his wife? Tara was missing, and there was no one who knew where she had gone.

Tamang tries to control his hesitating and worried mind. He lights a leaf-wrapped cigarette, letting his mind burn along with the dark stick of cigarette. "This life just goes on burning just like a cigarette!" he sighed in dismay.

Sunita cast a quick glance toward Tamang. It was then he felt overwhelmed with love.

"What can you do now by crying?" he said to her. "Instead, let's leave this village and go far away, tomorrow right away! Could it be that our daughter went to Kathmandu?"

Tamang wanted to spea,k but he felt an unbearable pain in his heart. He thought it not at all proper to cry in front of his wife.

"I had suggested that we should get Tara married in time," said Sunita. "You heard my words in one ear and let it go through another ear. Now, who knows, someone could have taken her away and sold her!"

Tamang's heart was broken in two as his wife spoke. He felt as if someone had smeared his burning chest in salt and red chilies.

As Tamang got up abruptly, he thought of the young man, Harka, who grew up in his village. In fact, he had heard rumors from time to time about the intimate relation of his daughter with Harka. Maybe his daughter was taken away by him.

"Harka is not a good man. I don't trust him," thought Tamang. "He was under police custody for seven days when he was involved in a squabble in the village."

Tamang couldn't get a wink of sleep the whole night. On one hand, he was extremely worried at the thought of his missing daughter. On the other hand, his wife didn't allow him to fall asleep because of her nightlong weeping. Seeing his own cold bed, he was angry and disgusted.

"What is the use of such a life which is full of so many wants?" he said. Even if Tamang worked hard through the year, he could not afford sufficient food for the family, nor could he spend more than a few rupees in front of his friends and relatives. And now, on top of it all his daughter, Tara, is lost.


The differential anti-proliferation effect of white (Pueraria mirifica), red (Butea superba), and black (Mucuna collettii) Kwao Krua plants on the growth of MCF-7 cells


The differential anti-proliferation effect of white (Pueraria mirifica), red (Butea superba) and black (Mucuna collettii) Kwao Krua plant extracts on the growth of MCF-7 cells was evaluated after 4 days of incubation. The percent cell growth comparison was based on protein determination of the harvested cells in parallel with the control group and Pueraria lobata treatment group. Pueraria lobata led to no proliferation and a mild anti-proliferation effect on the growth of MCF-7 cells. Pueraria mirifica caused proliferation at 1 μg/mL and an anti-proliferative effect on the growth of MCF-7 cells at 100 and 1000 μg/mL with an ED50 value of 642.83 μg/mL. Butea superba led to no proliferation and an anti-proliferation effect on the growth of MCF-7 cells at 10, 100 and 1000 μg/mL with an ED50 value of 370.91 μg/mL. Mucuna collettii led to no proliferation and an anti-proliferation effect on the growth of MCF-7 cells at 100 and 1000 μg/mL with an ED50 value of 85.36 μg/mL. The results demonstrated that only Pueraria mirifica showed an estrogenic effect on MCF-7 cell growth and a clear antagonistic effect with E2 at high concentration. Butea superba and Mucuna collettii exhibited only anti-proliferation effects on the growth of MCF-7 cells in relation with a possible anti-estrogen mechanism or a potent cytotoxic effect.


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Ferndale, Pennsylvania, Badi women - is there a life beyond prostitution?

James F. Nelson 4105 Filbert Street Ferndale, PA 18921

In 2007 dozens of Badi women travelled from the Mid and Far Western regions of the country to Kathmandu. An army of partly undressed women received national attention as they sought government help to lower longstanding economic and social barriers. The Badi Andolan resulted in a number of agreements with the interim-Government promising to end the use of discriminatory terms, provide citizenship to all Badis, scholarships for their children, access to healthcare and employment opportunities. For many Badi women, this meant coming up with alternatives to prostitution. But six years after the agreements, has the socio-economic status of their community improved?

Babi Badi, 33, thought her days of prostitution were over. Despite government rhetoric about welfare schemes for the Badi community, she still awaits programmes that address her issues. Single mother and partially blind, she reveals that she has barely received any support. "I started working as a prostitute when I was very young encouraged by my mother. Men were coming and going, I don't even know who my son's father is. Employment opportunities are scarce here and it is increasingly hard for us to make ends meet," Babi explains.

Mothers play a major role in initiating their daughters into prostitution. In the beginning, they often offer the services of their own daughters to prospective clients, and personally handle the bargaining. The UN associates the increase in sex trade within the Badi community to the emergence of radio and television which drastically reduced the demand for their traditional forms of entertainment. "To compensate for this sudden loss in livelihood a number of Badi women began to prostitute themselves to the wider public, encouraged by increasing demand from a rapidly growing population in the Tarai districts," UN affirms.

Although prostitution is considered illegal in Nepal, the traditional lifestyle of the Badi community has not changed much. At night, as we walk through some of the so-called former prostitution hubs in Kailali, it becomes clear that few women have vowed to refrain the flesh trade. Currently almost forty thousand Badi live in Nepal, the majority in the Tarai districts, but prostitution seems particularly widespread in 'highway towns'. Every day as the sun goes down, transport workers in particular, come looking for commercial sex workers. Several Badi women interviewed in Muda Bazaar along the Mahendra Highway openly shared that they were involved in prostitution.

Lack of alternative livelihoods combined to the hierarchy inherent in the Badi community itself, makes it difficult for most women to upgrade their socio-economic status. "We started working as prostitutes because we had to feed our families. Now that it is illegal most of our daughters go to India. The government is building houses for some members of the community but we are still waiting for our turn," Phulmati Badi, 54, reveals. Phulmati, a former prostitute, has married twice and is often victim of domestic violence. She now takes care of her granddaughter as her daughter, Sapana, currently resides in Punjab, India.

In Bisnukantipur, a Badi settlement devastated by recent flooding, lack of landownership means that most Badi men migrate in search of employment to India or to other parts of Nepal, while the women stay behind. Badi women are affected by discriminatory practices and social stigma due to their perceived association with prostitution, but what about who is standing on the 'other side of the counter'? What about the customers? How can we stop the vicious cycle? Prostitution is all about supply and demand. Demand for illicit sex is so strong that it may be the only consumer product that thrives without really being advertised. Prostitution pays well, consequently the government instead of simply building an agglomeration of houses should create sustainable alternatives by placing greater emphasis on creating employment opportunities.


Phoenix, Arizona: Optimal sex and Torture

Teodoro W. Harris 2990 Dye Street Phoenix, AZ 85040

Optimal sex up to an advanced age, and if necessary, aided by vascular and neurotropic agents like Pfizer’s Blue, yohimbine, dopaminergics, or testosterone enhancers like tongkat ali and butea superba, very much is a concern of modern civilisation. In medieval and ancient times, people were quite content if they were not tortured to death (never mind the optimal sex, thank you). An amazingly high number of people in medieval and ancient times (let's avoid designating them as ancient civilizations) were brutally tortured to death, often for the entertainment of onlookers. This included all mentally ill, and all enemies of rulers or ruling elites. Public torture is an extremely effective political tool. Not for the extraction of confessions, though. But torture one poor victim cruelly to death, and every onlooker will get the message: do not challenge authority!

DISTURBING Modern Torture Methods (YouTube 8:27)


Nepal - a cultural prostitution.

Ray R. Suarez 1591 Spring Avenue Allentown, PA 18101

Abstract PIP: 200,000 Nepali women are believed to have been sold into prostitution in India, some at the age of 11, by their families. Since Nepali women are considered more beautiful and very young ones are considered virginal and free of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and other sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), the girls command a higher price. However, 1 survey in Bombay indicated that 50% of female prostitutes were infected with HIV. Caste prostitution also exists; among the Bhadi, the women are traditionally sex workers whose earnings support the whole community. The girls (usually the daughters of clients, raised by their single mothers), after being trained by their mothers, begin work at menarche with great ceremony, suffer no social isolation, and retire back into the community. Few marry because men outside the caste do not marry former sex workers and men inside the caste only marry girls from families with at least 3 daughters in order to protect the income to the community. 70% of these Bhadi workers are infected with STDs, but HIV has not made significant inroads. The Nepali prostitutes returning from Indian brothels and the seasonal migrant workers who use their services introduce HIV to a broader range of communities in Nepal. Conventional prevention programs that focus on teaching prostitutes to tell clients to use condoms and how to negotiate this, will fail; the children are in no position to do so. They are considered free of disease by clients who see no need to use condoms and command too high a price as "virgins" for brothel owners to disturb the situation by requiring condom use. Control efforts to stop trafficking have not been successful and do not have priority among the country's many survival needs. A comprehensive, culturally specific approach to HIV prevention is needed that includes education of clients and brothel owners about condom use, and community-based residential facilities for daughters of caste workers so that they may attend school and delay entry into sex work. Finally, the status of women must change, so that they are considered autonomous individuals who can make their own decisions.


Tongkat ali scam with forged and irrelevant government licenses

By Sam Sanare

Updated: 2016-06-12

One tongkat ali scam currently making its rounds is to trick people out of their money by presenting forged or irrelevant licenses of the Indonesian government, as well as forged lab tests.

Irrelevant licenses are, for example, licenses pertaining to a business registration.

Indonesia is a Western democracy, with many rules equivalent to those of Western countries. [14] [15]

This means everybody of legal age can walk into the concerned municipal office and register a business. In Germany, such a document is called Gewerbeschein, and it is issued in 20 minutes.

Even street vendors of newspapers need to have such a Gewerbeschein, and so do drug-addicted youth selling their hand-made jewelery.

It’s the same in Indonesia which still follows the old Dutch codes in many matters of trade. [16] [17] [18]

The following licenses are issued to any Indonesian who applies for them:

SIUP – Surat Izin Usaha Perdagangan – general business permit; every Indonesian business obtains this simply by request

TDP – Tanda Daftar Perusahaan – business registration; just a fancy registration receipt

HO – Surat Izin Gangguan – a permit to cause disturbance; every Indonesian business has this

Akte Pendirian Usaha – a simple notarized form of business registration

It may not be as quick as in Germany, but all of the above are a mere formality, and cost only nominal fees.

Any Indonesian website selling tongkat ali that tries to project an image of legality and credibility by publishing such irrelevant documents on their website is taking consumers for a ride… and it’s likely to be an expensive ride for the mislead buyer, both financially and in terms of the damage done to his or her health.

The single relevant license that an Indonesian business selling tongkat ali must possess is a Nomor Depkes.

The Nomor Depkes is a product-specific registration code that permits a product to be sold as medicine or traditional medicine.

Any buyer of any tongkat ali product originating from Indonesia, or claiming to originate from Indonesia, should demand from the vendor the Nomor Depkes. If the vendor cannot provide this, it is obvious that the product is a fake, and most likely a dangerous one on top of that.

Now, if a supplier comes up with a Nomor Depkes, feel free to write to me. You may want to do this because some illegitimate distributors just usurp a Nomor Depkes from a legitimate sources, and I can show you how to find out.

Furthermore, I have seen documents in the name of a woman who has been named after the city of Medan. These documents misrepresented a large production facility belonging to “Sumatra Pasak Bumi” as belonging to her and her outfit, established just a few month ago.

Buyer beware. It doesn’t take much computer knowledge to forge scans of documents, or jpgs stolen from other websites. [19] [20] [21]

If ever you want graphic proof of how authentic a company is, look for photos. Photos are not as easy to manipulate as are scans of “licenses”. Any genuine company will include on their website photos of their buildings, their staff, their raw materials, and their production processes.


14 Samuel P. Huntington, Democracy’s Third Wave Project MUSE Scholarly Journals Online

15 Herbert Feith, The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia 2007

16 J. Leyser, Legal Developments in Indonesia, The American Journal of Comparative Law
Vol. 3, No. 3 (Summer, 1954), pp. 399-411

17 James H. Mysbergh, The Indonesian Elite, Far Eastern Survey
Vol. 26, No. 3 (Mar., 1957), pp. 38-42

18 arel A. Steenbrink, Dutch Colonialism and Indonesian Islam: Contacts and Conflicts, 1596-1950, Amsterdam – New York 2006

19 Bruce Schneier, Secrets and Lies: Digital Security in a Networked World, Wiley Publishing 2004

20 Thomas A. Johnson, Forensic Computer Crime Investigation 2005 Taylor & Francis Group

21 Elliot McGucken, System and method for content marketplace, DRM marketplace, distribution marketplace, and search engine: the dodge city marketplace and search engine Nov 1, 2007


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